Huling SONA ng Tirano(?) Huling SONA na ni Rodrigo Duterte. Matatapos ang kanyang termino sa Hunyo 30, 2022, ayon sa itinatakda ng Konstitusyon. Ngunit papel na pandewang para kay Duterte ang konstitusyong 1987. Bangag siya sa kapangyarihan. Para matakasan ang pag-uusig ng batas sa mga krimen sa mamamayan at upang patuloy na supilin ang mga sumisigaw ng katarungan, lantaran ang pakana ng dinastiyang Duterte at mga kampon na manatili sa kapangyarihan, lampas ng 2022. Imbing layon na tuluyang iluklok sa ibabaw ng bansa at lipunan ang dinastiyang Duterte.
Abala si Duterte at mga kasapakat sa labanan sa kapangyarihan sa eleksyong 2022. Papatindi atake sa mga “kalaban”. Tumataya ang mga puno ng local na dinastiya sa “tiyak na panalong tambalang Duterte-Duterte”, lalo’t “mamimigay” si Duterte ng “sako-sakong salapi sa kanila. Pusali ang pulitika, dekadente ang kultura ng awtokratikong rehimen. Salamin ito ng nagnanaknak na krisis pang-ekonomy at panlipunan ng Pilipinas.
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𝙸𝚋𝚊𝚢𝚘𝚗𝚐 𝚙𝚊𝚐𝚜𝚞𝚙𝚒𝚕 𝚗𝚐 𝚖𝚐𝚊 𝚖𝚊𝚖𝚊𝚖𝚊𝚢𝚊𝚗𝚐 𝚜𝚊𝚍𝚕𝚊𝚔 𝚜𝚊 𝚑𝚒𝚛𝚊𝚙, 𝚐𝚞𝚝𝚘𝚖 𝚊𝚝 𝚜𝚊𝚔𝚒𝚝 Grabe ang panunupil ng rehimeng Duterte.
Sinusupil ang mga karapatan sapagkat ipinagbabawal ng tiranitikong rehimen ang mga puna o batikos ng mamamayan. Para kay Duterte maging mga mungkahi o unsolicited advice ay pagpapahiya sa kanyang administrasyon. Binabansagang communist terrorists ang mga aktibista at mga samahang nagtataguyod at lumalaban para sa mga karapatan at kapakanan ng masang anakpawis at maralita; ikinukulong o pinapaslang ang mga lider-aktibista. Lalong pinahihirapan ng rehimen ang mamamayan sa kawalan o kapos na ayuda laluna sa mga sinalanta ng sunud-sunod na bagyo, baha, lindol at ng Covid 19 at iba pang sakit. Lalong pinabibigat ang pasanin ng mamamayan sa mga fake news, pananakot at panlilinlang ng rehimen. Groups hail U.N. resolution vs drug war: 'Crucial step towards justice'Human rights groups urge the Philippine government to coordinate with the United Nations as rights chief Michelle Bachelet is expected to write a comprehensive report on the country's situation. MANILA, Philippines – Groups on Thursday, July 11, welcomed the resolutionadopted by the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) against drug war killings in the Philippines. In a statement, Amnesty International said the vote is "a crucial step towards justice and accountability." "This vote provides hope for thousands of bereaved families in the Philippines, and countless more Filipinos bravely challenging the Duterte administration's murderous 'war on drugs'," Amnesty's East and Southeast Asia director Nicholas Bequelin said. In Defense of Human Rights and Dignity Movement (iDEFEND) said that "years of painstaking efforts to pursue justice" won a "crucial headway" as UN rights chief Michelle Bachelet is now expected to write a comprehensive report on the situation in the country. "We urge the Philippine government to demonstrate a positive attitude toward the resolution, conduct itself in a manner befitting of a member of the UN Human Rights Council, and fully cooperate with the international community," iDEFEND's Ellecer Carlos said.
Biguin ang Pagkukonsolida ng Tiranikong Paghahari! Natatangi ang kabuluhan ng Mayo 1 ng taong ito para sa mga manggagawa at sa lahat ng mamamayang Pilipino. Pinatitibay natin ang pakikiisa sa pakikibaka ng mga manggagawa at mamamayan sa buong daigdig laban sa tiraniya ng dekadenteng kapitalismo. Pero bukod dito, idinideklara natin ngayong Mayo 1 ang paglaban sa pakana ng rehimeng Duterte na pagtibayin ang awtokratiko- tiranikong paghahari nito. Nakareserbang Konstitusyong Duterte-Arroyo Halos lihim na iniratsada sa House of Representatives (HoR), sa pamumuno ng ganid-sa-kapangyarihang Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, ang panukalang konstitusyong ipapalit sa Konstitusyong 1987. Pinaspasan mula Oktubre 2018 ang paglulusot ng panukalang Pederal na Konstitusyong Duterte-Arroyo ng Komite sa Pag-amyenda ng Konstitusyon ng HoR. Tinawag itong Resolution of both Houses (RBH) No. 15 at sinalang sa pagboto ng plenaryo ng HoR nuong Disyembre 11, 2018. Sapagkat pabor sa mga dinastiyang pulitikal, ipinasa ang panukalang Konstitusyong Duterte-Arroyo ng HoR na dominado ng mga miyembro ng mga angkang pulitikal. Bumoto ng YES ang 224; 22 ang nag-NO; at, 3 ang hindi bumoto. Sapagkat higit sa 2/3 ng mga representante ang YES, itinuring ang RBH no. 15 na pinagpasyan ng HoR bilang Constituent Assembly o ConAss! Botong YES ng 16 lamang na senador ang kailangan para ihapag ang Konstitusyong Duterte-Arroyo sa referendum-plebiscite ng mamamayan na isasabay sana sa botohan sa Mayo 13. Subalit bukod sa walang bersyon ng RBH No. 15 ang kasalukuyang Senado, tahasan itong tinutulan ng `mga senador. Sa gayon, malalagay sa balikat ng susunod na Senado ang pagpapasya sa Konstitusyong Duterte-Arroyo. Kaya mapagpasya ang pagpili ng mamamayan, laluna ng mga senador, sa Mayo 13 sa magiging kinabukasan ng sambayanang Pilipino. Tyranny is an important phenomenon that operates by principles by which it can be recognized in its early emerging stages, and, if the people are vigilant, prepared, and committed to liberty, countered before it becomes entrenched. The methods used to overthrow a constitutional order and establish a tyranny are well-known. However, despite this awareness, it is surprising how those who have no intention of perpetrating a tyranny can slip into these methods and bring about a tyranny despite their best intentions. Tyranny does not have to be deliberate. Tyrants can fool themselves as thoroughly as they fool everyone else. Here are the top 16 signs that you are living in a tyranny or heading that way. Many thanks to Jon Roland for submitting this list (the original of which is here).Sa Araw ng Kalayaan, maitataas na ang bandila sa Marawi, sabi ng Sandatahang Lakas ng Pilipinas at ni Presidente Duterte. Matatapos na di umano ang kaguluhang dulot ng Maute Group na binansagang “teroristang grupong dikit sa ISIS”.
Samantala, patuloy ang pagpapaulan ng bomba sa naturang syudad. Mahigit 176,920 libong pamilya na ang “bakwit, kalakhan ay napadpad sa mga karatig probinsya para sa panadaliang kaligtasan. Ilang libo pang sibilyan ang ipit sa bakbakan, at halos 200 ang sibilyang napatay. At sa bawat gusali o bahay na pinadadapa ng bomba dahil sa paghahanap sa Maute, lalong nailalagay sa alanganin ang muling pagbangon ng ating mga kababayan sa Marawi. Habang may mga investor na naka-abang na sa “rehabilitasyon ng mga komunidad sa Marawi” tulad ng San Miguel Corporation (SMC) na pag-aari ni Ramon Ang (kilalang malapit kay Presidente Duterte). Halos isang buwan na ang naturang deklarasyon ng Martial Law o Batas Militar sa Mindanao kasama ang Palawan, Basilan at Tawi-tawi sa bisa ng Proclamation 216. Sinuspinde din ang Writ of Habeas Corpus sa buong rehiyon. Ang naturang deklarasyon ay inamin na ni Duterte na solong pinagpasyahan, ni hindi nirekomenda ng AFP sapagkat under control na nito ang sitwasyon sa Marawi nuong Mayo 23, araw ng deklarasyon ng kanyang Martial Law. Sa ginawa nito, tinotoo nya ang ang matagal nang panakot sa mga kritiko lalo na sa madugong kampanya laban sa droga na nilabusaw na ang usapin ng due process at rule of law. Walang umiiral na batas-batas para sa mga pipitsugin -- walang imbestigasyon o nakakasuhang pulis kung sila ma’y mapapatay sa “buy bust” o “entrapment.” Sa kabilang banda, sapagkat umaasta bilang pinakamalaking patron sa buong bansa, hindi magagalaw ang mga kakilala at kapanalig! Nagbanta itong palalawigin pa ang saklaw ng Martial Law kung may makitang indikasyon ng “terorismo” sa Luzon at Visayas! Nakakatakot, sapagkat ang estado ang nagtatakda kung sino ang terorista. Ang kanyang Martial Law, ay tulad ng kay Marcos kundiman higit pang malupit. Apektado ang nasa 200,000 taga Marawi, ang 22 milyong kababayan natin sa Mindanao at maging ang nasa Luzon at Visayas! Para sa mga Mindanaoan, nilimitahan ang malayang pagkilos at pagbyahe. aarestuhin na maging ang mga sama-samang pagkilo! Ubra na di umano ang warrantless arrest at seizuressabi ng Presidente… kasabay ng pahayag na ubra nang-reyp ang sundalo! Pilit naman nagbibigay ng kaseguruhan sa publiko ang AFP na aayon ito sa nakasaad sa Saligang Batas. Sa ngayon, panay na nililigawan ang AFP, sapagkat alam nitong nakasalalay sa pagsunod ng mga ito, ang pagtatagumpay ng kanyang pagnanasang isentro sa kanya ang kapangyarihan. Isang awtokratikong paghahari na ang kinikilalang batas ay ang kanyang sarili. Ang ipinalalaganap ay kultura ng pamamanginoon/ pagkatakot sa panginoon at pagdepende dito kaysa ang mga demokratikong institusyon at ang silbi ng magkakahiwalay na kapangyarihan ng ehekutibo, lehislatibo at hudikatura at ang nagsisilbing “check and balance” ng bawat isa. Kaalyado ang mga namumuno sa Kamara at Senado, kung kaya’t hindi magawang magpatawag ng pulong upang isalang ang merito ng deklarasyong Martial Law ni Duterte. Nilabag ang nakasaad sa Konstitusyon na pangkontra sa abuso sa kapangyarihan. Hindi maalis sa ating mamamayan na mangamba sapagkat mayron tayong buhay na karanasan na napasailalim tayo sa diktaturya at binuksan nito ang matinding abuso sa demokratikong karapatan at kagalingan ng mamamayan. Gayunpaman, nabasag ang puting lagim ng sama-sama at organisadong pagkilos ng mamamayan na nanindigan sa kanilang lehitimong interes. Ito ang aral na ating panghahalawan habang sinisikap nating gawing totoo ang Araw ng Kalayaan para sa tunay na kasarinlan at demokrasya. ### KILUSAN PARA SA PAMBANSANG DEMOKRASYA June 12, 2017 RESIST TYRANNY! The cat is now out of the bag. Mr. Duterte, while on his second day in Moscow, through his spokesperson Abella, declared martial law in Mindanao at 10:00 pm Manila time, May 23. The declaration was made just a few hours after security forces clashed with 15 reported elements of the Hapilon faction of Abu Sayyaf, as they purportedly tried to arrest Hapilon in a village in Marawi city. The incident escalated when no more than 100 elements of the Maute group later joined in the fray to support Hapilon’s group. Initial reports claimed sixteen (11 civilians and five security forces) and 13 terrorists died in the incident; a priest and his companions were abducted, nearly 31 other security forces were wounded. By twelve midnight, nearly two hours after the martial law declaration and even before it was in force, the AFP spokesperson declared that the crisis situation that developed in Marawi City was under the security forces’ control.
Mr. Duterte seized, in haste, the recent clash in Marawi City, a small city (pop.: 201, 785) in Mindanao, as pretext for martial law declaration. Like the proverbial sword of Damocless that Duterte has been dangling over the head of the Filipino people even before his inauguration, martial law is back after 31 years. Duterte did not even bother to consult the military forces on the ground in Marawi, nor conduct a thorough study of the total security situation in Mindanao, prior to his declaration. In the subsequent press conference held in the afternoon of his arrival from Russia, Duterte could not present a comprehensive basis for the declaration. He could not even remember the serial number of his declaration and could not outline the whole content of the declaration. He nonchalantly claimed that the declaration he signed, that could reverse whatever gains in democracy achieved in the country since Marcos’ dictatorial rule, was left somewhere in a hotel room in Moscow! VIOLENT RECORD Yet true to his violent record, he warned directly that the military regime he has just proclaimed will not be different from that imposed by his idol Marcos in 1972, and would be harsh, if not harsher, than Marcos’ dictatorial, tyrannical rule. Marcos’ martial law regime saw more than 78,000 victims of summary executions, forced disappearances, torture and arbitrary arrests and incarcerations; the suppression of democratic rights and civil liberties, and the displacement of millions of families from their homes and livelihood. It disenfranchised politically and economically Marcos’ political opponents. It made possible the formulation and operation of a Marcosian Constitution, and reduced the Supreme Court and what would later be called Interim Batasan Pambansa to rubberstamp institutions. It took the People Power Revolution to end Marcos’ tyrannical rule. The martial law declaration does not surprise those who followed closely the political situation in the country since Duterte’s election. Mr. Duterte since elected, in several occasions, threatened Congress, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, his critics and the whole nation with the declaration of martial law. The threat of martial law, seems to be his instinctive reaction, especially when confronted with the limits of his powers, when criticisms on his conduct in office are raised or when he is made to account for his abuses. Martial law is consistent with Mr. Duterte’s disdain for accountability, criticism and dissent; it is consistent with his desire for unfettered exercise of power. Mr. Duterte knows that military rule, which martial law essentially is, will put him, as commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, above the laws of the land. Contrary to the rule of law, which operates on the basis of laws formulated by an elected Congress in accordance with the Constitution, military rule operates on the basis of the command of its commander-in-chief. Military rule once installed, with the security and law enforcement forces at his command, Duterte will be the sole ruler, a dictator. While the legislative and judiciary branches may be allowed to remain, they will be powerless in enforcing whatever contrary decisions they may make. This was crystal clear to Duterte when the threatened to close Congress and the Supreme Court with a declaration of martial law. Duterte’s obsession for absolute power is manifest in his effort, to effect the removal of constitutional restrictions on his power to declare martial law. ABSOLUTE POWER Mr. Duterte is calibrating his moves towards absolute power by declaring martial law initially for only 60 days to cover, Mindanao including the islands of Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-tawI and revealing piece-meal the whole range of changes in democratic guarantees and processes the declaration entails. What is revealed so far is already disastrous to democracy. In the areas declared under military rule, he suspended the writ of habeas corpus, allowed warrantless arrest and searches, called for the activation of checkpoints, and restrictions on freedom of movement. For nearly a day, his daughter Sara, mayor of Davao City, declared a lockdown - restriction in movement, prohibiting ingress and egress - in Davao City. What is yet in store can be chilling. Yet, Mr. Duterte minced no words in declaring that he may extend martial law in Mindanao for another 60 days, and beyond, even up to the end of his term, and may, if he deems necessary, even put the rest of the country under martial law. Even now, he is also contemplating suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in Visayas. The incident in Marawi is unfortunate, and the victims deserve justice. The government is duty-bound to use the security forces (numbering no less than 220,000 in the armed force and 160,000 police forces) to stop these small bands of no more than an estimated total of 500 armed terrorist elements from inflicting harm on the people. But this should not, and need not, be done at the expense of democracy – of democratic rights and civil liberties and whatever semblance there is of democratic processes. The country has seen far worse security situations since 1986, especially when the NPA, the MILF, and MNLF were simultaneously waging armed insurgency; Abu Sayyaf and BIFF elements were conducting terrorist attacks (from kidnapping to bombings) over a wider area of the country; and coup threats abound. Yet these did not necessitate the declaration of martial law. Only Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Duterte’s ally who similarly displayed a propensity for exercise of special powers, declared martial law – in Maguindanao for one month but reduced to 8 days on the urging of her cabinet. That was a response to the Ampatuan massacre in which the governor and congressman in the province (the Ampatuans) themselves were involved. Undoubtedly, the Duterte regime will dish out in the next few days a barrage of his own “intelligence reports” (as he did in his war on drugs) to “justify” his move towards dictatorial rule. The conflicting presentation of the security problem in Marawi City and the rest of Mindanao, between Duterte and the Armed Forces, reflects a divergence of interests: while Duterte overstates and magnifies the security problem in an effort to justify even expanded military rule, the AFP, knowing its overwhelming superiority in strength and armaments, and experience in dealing with insurgent groups, insists that it is in control of the situation, even sans martial law. Even the terrorists in Marawi know that they are grossly out-numbered and out-armed; thus their demand for a “ceasefire” and safe passage in exchange for release of hostages. . Duterte’s drive towards dictatorial, tyrannical rule must be stopped. Never again must the people bear the sufferings that tyranny spells. And only the people’s concerted action can stop it. Duterte’s majority in Congress cannot be relied upon to defend the people’s rights. So far, they have allowed themselves to be herded to toe Duterte’s line. The people have to pressure them, and directly denounce and oppose them, if they do not heed whom they should be representing. Everyone who values freedom and democracy is now called upon to stand and be counted in the struggle to resist this renewed attempt to establish dictatorial, tyrannical rule. Never again to Martial Law. People’s Campaign Against Tyranny (PCAT) Like the State of National Emergency,
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