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Anti-Terror Bill, Anti-Wiretapping Law Amendment, etc. etc.… Higit na Kapangyarihan sa EstadoIbayong panunupil sa mga karapatan ng mamamayan sa panukalang konstitusyon. Lalong pagbangis ng tiraniya sa lehislatibong adyenda ng gubyernong Duterte. Sa SONA, sa pagbubukas ng 18th Congress, ihahanay ni Pres. Rodrigo Duterte ang kanyang legislative agenda— salansan ng prayoridad niyang isabatas sa gitna ng pandaigdigang pagkondena sa mga extra-judicial killing (EJK) sa kanyang war on drugs, sa nalalantad niyang kataksilan sa pagpapaubaya ng WPS sa kontrol ng Tsina, sa lumolobong utang dahil sa build, build, build; at, sa lumalawak nang oposisyon sa kanyang paghahari.
Sa ubod ng adyendang ito ay ang higit na pagbigat ng kamay na bakal ng kanyang tranikong rehimen at pagpapataw ng mga bagong buwis na pipiga sa mamamayan. Sa Araw ng Kalayaan, maitataas na ang bandila sa Marawi, sabi ng Sandatahang Lakas ng Pilipinas at ni Presidente Duterte. Matatapos na di umano ang kaguluhang dulot ng Maute Group na binansagang “teroristang grupong dikit sa ISIS”.
Samantala, patuloy ang pagpapaulan ng bomba sa naturang syudad. Mahigit 176,920 libong pamilya na ang “bakwit, kalakhan ay napadpad sa mga karatig probinsya para sa panadaliang kaligtasan. Ilang libo pang sibilyan ang ipit sa bakbakan, at halos 200 ang sibilyang napatay. At sa bawat gusali o bahay na pinadadapa ng bomba dahil sa paghahanap sa Maute, lalong nailalagay sa alanganin ang muling pagbangon ng ating mga kababayan sa Marawi. Habang may mga investor na naka-abang na sa “rehabilitasyon ng mga komunidad sa Marawi” tulad ng San Miguel Corporation (SMC) na pag-aari ni Ramon Ang (kilalang malapit kay Presidente Duterte). Halos isang buwan na ang naturang deklarasyon ng Martial Law o Batas Militar sa Mindanao kasama ang Palawan, Basilan at Tawi-tawi sa bisa ng Proclamation 216. Sinuspinde din ang Writ of Habeas Corpus sa buong rehiyon. Ang naturang deklarasyon ay inamin na ni Duterte na solong pinagpasyahan, ni hindi nirekomenda ng AFP sapagkat under control na nito ang sitwasyon sa Marawi nuong Mayo 23, araw ng deklarasyon ng kanyang Martial Law. Sa ginawa nito, tinotoo nya ang ang matagal nang panakot sa mga kritiko lalo na sa madugong kampanya laban sa droga na nilabusaw na ang usapin ng due process at rule of law. Walang umiiral na batas-batas para sa mga pipitsugin -- walang imbestigasyon o nakakasuhang pulis kung sila ma’y mapapatay sa “buy bust” o “entrapment.” Sa kabilang banda, sapagkat umaasta bilang pinakamalaking patron sa buong bansa, hindi magagalaw ang mga kakilala at kapanalig! Nagbanta itong palalawigin pa ang saklaw ng Martial Law kung may makitang indikasyon ng “terorismo” sa Luzon at Visayas! Nakakatakot, sapagkat ang estado ang nagtatakda kung sino ang terorista. Ang kanyang Martial Law, ay tulad ng kay Marcos kundiman higit pang malupit. Apektado ang nasa 200,000 taga Marawi, ang 22 milyong kababayan natin sa Mindanao at maging ang nasa Luzon at Visayas! Para sa mga Mindanaoan, nilimitahan ang malayang pagkilos at pagbyahe. aarestuhin na maging ang mga sama-samang pagkilo! Ubra na di umano ang warrantless arrest at seizuressabi ng Presidente… kasabay ng pahayag na ubra nang-reyp ang sundalo! Pilit naman nagbibigay ng kaseguruhan sa publiko ang AFP na aayon ito sa nakasaad sa Saligang Batas. Sa ngayon, panay na nililigawan ang AFP, sapagkat alam nitong nakasalalay sa pagsunod ng mga ito, ang pagtatagumpay ng kanyang pagnanasang isentro sa kanya ang kapangyarihan. Isang awtokratikong paghahari na ang kinikilalang batas ay ang kanyang sarili. Ang ipinalalaganap ay kultura ng pamamanginoon/ pagkatakot sa panginoon at pagdepende dito kaysa ang mga demokratikong institusyon at ang silbi ng magkakahiwalay na kapangyarihan ng ehekutibo, lehislatibo at hudikatura at ang nagsisilbing “check and balance” ng bawat isa. Kaalyado ang mga namumuno sa Kamara at Senado, kung kaya’t hindi magawang magpatawag ng pulong upang isalang ang merito ng deklarasyong Martial Law ni Duterte. Nilabag ang nakasaad sa Konstitusyon na pangkontra sa abuso sa kapangyarihan. Hindi maalis sa ating mamamayan na mangamba sapagkat mayron tayong buhay na karanasan na napasailalim tayo sa diktaturya at binuksan nito ang matinding abuso sa demokratikong karapatan at kagalingan ng mamamayan. Gayunpaman, nabasag ang puting lagim ng sama-sama at organisadong pagkilos ng mamamayan na nanindigan sa kanilang lehitimong interes. Ito ang aral na ating panghahalawan habang sinisikap nating gawing totoo ang Araw ng Kalayaan para sa tunay na kasarinlan at demokrasya. ### KILUSAN PARA SA PAMBANSANG DEMOKRASYA June 12, 2017 Inauguration of Duterte’s Dictatorial Rule In just one week the critical situation in Marawi City has subsided. The military has cleared 90% of the city. The remaining Maute fighters are holed in a small area in the center of the city and are holding around 200 hostages, including a Catholic priest, Fr. Teresito Suganob. Even with such tragedies like the wayward bomb that killed 11 soldiers, it is seen that soon Marawi City would be back to normal.
Despite this, Duterte is not considering lifting martial law soon, instead he is thinking of suspending the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in the Visayan regions. It is finally out; Proclamation No. 216 was Rodrigo Duterte’s lone act. On the basis of information from sources that only Duterte knows, unverified and false news, his wild mind created a rebellious and secessionist situation in Marawi City. This scenario was drawn from a security operation by military and police elements who were on a mission to capture Abu Sayyaf leader, Isnilon Hapilon at around 2PM of May 23. The wanted man, with $5M reward for his head, was sighted earlier, together with around 15 armed guards in Barangay Basak Malulut, Marawi City. The operation failed as the armed bodyguards of Hapilon, believed to members of the local terrorist Maute Group were able to resist and the situation worsened. The Maute group and the military sent-in reinforcements. The Maute fighters were estimated to have reached from 50 - 100 men, but the military and police had overwhelming superiority in number and arms. This was the kind of situation that Duterte warned earlier, could “push” him to declare martial law. Indeed, Duterte seized the opportunity. He painted a picture of armed uprising from a situation that was declared under control by the military, police and local government by late in the evening. The key word to create this picture is the alleged “ISIS links of the Maute Group”. Despite official intelligence reports saying there is no basis to establish this allegation, Duterte proceeded to compose Proclamation No 216, declaring a “state of martial law and suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in the whole of Mindanao”. Right after martial law declaration was announced by Duterte’s spokesperson Ernesto Abella, in Moscow, Russia, Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana told media, “only Duterte knows about the ISIS connection, but nevertheless we have to help the president now”. Based on a tale of conflicting real and false news and lies A few hours before the announcement of martial law declaration, National Security Adviser, Hermogenes Esperon and Defense Sec. Lorenzana told media in Moscow, “The situation in Marawi is under control”. Despite this and official reports that the situation in Marawi City was under control, reports and rumors of unverified, false and real incidents from 2pm to around 9 pm of May 23 were summed up by Duterte to provide the basis for martial law proclamation as, …“thereby attempting to remove from the allegiance of the Philippine Government that part of Mindanao and deprive the Chief Executive of his powers and prerogatives to enforce the laws of the land and to maintain public order and safety in Mindanao, constituting the crime of rebellion; and,” “WHEREAS, this attempt shows the capability of the Maute Group and other rebel groups to sow terror and cause death and damage to property not only in Lanao del Sur but in other parts of Mindanao.” One hour after the proclamation, AFP public affairs chief, Col. Edgard Arevalo announced, the situation in Marawi has “stabilized” and “security forces are in full control“. The AFP made clear that the forces they were facing are not members of ISIS but of a local terrorist group. Arevalo also warned, “The news being circulated by these terrorists and their sympathizers are spurious and are meant to spread lies and disinformation. It is propaganda to attract foreign terrorists’ support and recognition.” This seemed to be also a warning to Duterte. The spokesperson also belied reports that Amai Pakpak Hospital and the Marawi City Hall was occupied by Maute Group members. It was proven during and after Duterte’s press conference upon his arrival from Russia, the incidents mentioned in the proclamation did not actually happen, specifically the “occupation of Amai Pakpak Hospital” and “burning of government facilities”. Another wrong information that Duterte blurted before media was the “killing and beheading” by Maute terrorist of Malabang Police Chief, Romeo Enriquez. Nonetheless, Duterte also told, in less than 24 hours since martial law in Mindanao was proclaimed while he was in Russia, that his martial law would cover the whole country even if mere sign or clue of terrorist presence in Visayas and Luzon is established. Despite all the boo-boos and dis-information contained in Proclamation no. 216 and the President’s report on martial law, the leaders of both houses of Congress, who are proving themselves as Duterte’s minions, were hell-bent not to fulfill their constitutional duty to review the martial law proclamation. Instead they passed separate resolutions, the house by viva voce voting and the senate through the majority bloc excluding two, supporting Duterte’s martial law. They are dangerously clearing the way for Duterte’s obsession for absolute rule that could spell the closure or the transformation of Congress as Duterte’s “rubber stamp”, as the leaders of the legislature are proving now Duterte’s inauguration of his own brand of dictatorial rule Other than Duterte himself, the subservience of leaders of Congress to Duterte’s dictates and whims is the greatest threat to democracy and the rights of the Filipino people, presently. It is ironical now that more than the command of the AFP, the leaders of Congress are ready to abandon their duties and violate the 1987 Constitution. The AFP has been more objective and prudent with their statements so as not to create fear and send wrong message about the real situation. The DND and AFP have been consistently referring to the terrorist Maute Group as “ISIS inspired” not “ISIS-linked” as Duterte asserts and that soon the situation in Marawi will be back to normal”, implying therefore that martial law should be lifted soon. They assure the public that the AFP “will enforce its mandate in accordance with the laws and with respect to human rights and the International Humanitarian Law.” The AFP command, as exemplified by the statement of Western Mindanao Command, consistently refers to the 1987 Constitution unlike Duterte who deliberately rejects it. In the Facebook Live interview by Presidential Communications Assistant Secretary, Mocha Uson on his way back to Manila from Moscow, “my martial law will be no different from Marcos’ martial law. I will be harsh”. This statement is unmindful of the fact that the 1987 Constitution states, the constitution operates even during martial law. Specifically the Constitution states that warrantless arrest is not absolute when the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus is suspended. The most telling of Duterte’s disregard for the rule of law and the Constitution were his latest talks before soldiers and officers in Iligan City, on May 26 and in Jolo, on May 27. The resistance to martial law is left on the people RESIST TYRANNY! The cat is now out of the bag. Mr. Duterte, while on his second day in Moscow, through his spokesperson Abella, declared martial law in Mindanao at 10:00 pm Manila time, May 23. The declaration was made just a few hours after security forces clashed with 15 reported elements of the Hapilon faction of Abu Sayyaf, as they purportedly tried to arrest Hapilon in a village in Marawi city. The incident escalated when no more than 100 elements of the Maute group later joined in the fray to support Hapilon’s group. Initial reports claimed sixteen (11 civilians and five security forces) and 13 terrorists died in the incident; a priest and his companions were abducted, nearly 31 other security forces were wounded. By twelve midnight, nearly two hours after the martial law declaration and even before it was in force, the AFP spokesperson declared that the crisis situation that developed in Marawi City was under the security forces’ control.
Mr. Duterte seized, in haste, the recent clash in Marawi City, a small city (pop.: 201, 785) in Mindanao, as pretext for martial law declaration. Like the proverbial sword of Damocless that Duterte has been dangling over the head of the Filipino people even before his inauguration, martial law is back after 31 years. Duterte did not even bother to consult the military forces on the ground in Marawi, nor conduct a thorough study of the total security situation in Mindanao, prior to his declaration. In the subsequent press conference held in the afternoon of his arrival from Russia, Duterte could not present a comprehensive basis for the declaration. He could not even remember the serial number of his declaration and could not outline the whole content of the declaration. He nonchalantly claimed that the declaration he signed, that could reverse whatever gains in democracy achieved in the country since Marcos’ dictatorial rule, was left somewhere in a hotel room in Moscow! VIOLENT RECORD Yet true to his violent record, he warned directly that the military regime he has just proclaimed will not be different from that imposed by his idol Marcos in 1972, and would be harsh, if not harsher, than Marcos’ dictatorial, tyrannical rule. Marcos’ martial law regime saw more than 78,000 victims of summary executions, forced disappearances, torture and arbitrary arrests and incarcerations; the suppression of democratic rights and civil liberties, and the displacement of millions of families from their homes and livelihood. It disenfranchised politically and economically Marcos’ political opponents. It made possible the formulation and operation of a Marcosian Constitution, and reduced the Supreme Court and what would later be called Interim Batasan Pambansa to rubberstamp institutions. It took the People Power Revolution to end Marcos’ tyrannical rule. The martial law declaration does not surprise those who followed closely the political situation in the country since Duterte’s election. Mr. Duterte since elected, in several occasions, threatened Congress, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, his critics and the whole nation with the declaration of martial law. The threat of martial law, seems to be his instinctive reaction, especially when confronted with the limits of his powers, when criticisms on his conduct in office are raised or when he is made to account for his abuses. Martial law is consistent with Mr. Duterte’s disdain for accountability, criticism and dissent; it is consistent with his desire for unfettered exercise of power. Mr. Duterte knows that military rule, which martial law essentially is, will put him, as commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, above the laws of the land. Contrary to the rule of law, which operates on the basis of laws formulated by an elected Congress in accordance with the Constitution, military rule operates on the basis of the command of its commander-in-chief. Military rule once installed, with the security and law enforcement forces at his command, Duterte will be the sole ruler, a dictator. While the legislative and judiciary branches may be allowed to remain, they will be powerless in enforcing whatever contrary decisions they may make. This was crystal clear to Duterte when the threatened to close Congress and the Supreme Court with a declaration of martial law. Duterte’s obsession for absolute power is manifest in his effort, to effect the removal of constitutional restrictions on his power to declare martial law. ABSOLUTE POWER Mr. Duterte is calibrating his moves towards absolute power by declaring martial law initially for only 60 days to cover, Mindanao including the islands of Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-tawI and revealing piece-meal the whole range of changes in democratic guarantees and processes the declaration entails. What is revealed so far is already disastrous to democracy. In the areas declared under military rule, he suspended the writ of habeas corpus, allowed warrantless arrest and searches, called for the activation of checkpoints, and restrictions on freedom of movement. For nearly a day, his daughter Sara, mayor of Davao City, declared a lockdown - restriction in movement, prohibiting ingress and egress - in Davao City. What is yet in store can be chilling. Yet, Mr. Duterte minced no words in declaring that he may extend martial law in Mindanao for another 60 days, and beyond, even up to the end of his term, and may, if he deems necessary, even put the rest of the country under martial law. Even now, he is also contemplating suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in Visayas. The incident in Marawi is unfortunate, and the victims deserve justice. The government is duty-bound to use the security forces (numbering no less than 220,000 in the armed force and 160,000 police forces) to stop these small bands of no more than an estimated total of 500 armed terrorist elements from inflicting harm on the people. But this should not, and need not, be done at the expense of democracy – of democratic rights and civil liberties and whatever semblance there is of democratic processes. The country has seen far worse security situations since 1986, especially when the NPA, the MILF, and MNLF were simultaneously waging armed insurgency; Abu Sayyaf and BIFF elements were conducting terrorist attacks (from kidnapping to bombings) over a wider area of the country; and coup threats abound. Yet these did not necessitate the declaration of martial law. Only Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Duterte’s ally who similarly displayed a propensity for exercise of special powers, declared martial law – in Maguindanao for one month but reduced to 8 days on the urging of her cabinet. That was a response to the Ampatuan massacre in which the governor and congressman in the province (the Ampatuans) themselves were involved. Undoubtedly, the Duterte regime will dish out in the next few days a barrage of his own “intelligence reports” (as he did in his war on drugs) to “justify” his move towards dictatorial rule. The conflicting presentation of the security problem in Marawi City and the rest of Mindanao, between Duterte and the Armed Forces, reflects a divergence of interests: while Duterte overstates and magnifies the security problem in an effort to justify even expanded military rule, the AFP, knowing its overwhelming superiority in strength and armaments, and experience in dealing with insurgent groups, insists that it is in control of the situation, even sans martial law. Even the terrorists in Marawi know that they are grossly out-numbered and out-armed; thus their demand for a “ceasefire” and safe passage in exchange for release of hostages. . Duterte’s drive towards dictatorial, tyrannical rule must be stopped. Never again must the people bear the sufferings that tyranny spells. And only the people’s concerted action can stop it. Duterte’s majority in Congress cannot be relied upon to defend the people’s rights. So far, they have allowed themselves to be herded to toe Duterte’s line. The people have to pressure them, and directly denounce and oppose them, if they do not heed whom they should be representing. Everyone who values freedom and democracy is now called upon to stand and be counted in the struggle to resist this renewed attempt to establish dictatorial, tyrannical rule. Never again to Martial Law. People’s Campaign Against Tyranny (PCAT) Like the State of National Emergency,
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